shopping in the name of love
nadrealni pokusaji racionalizacije realnosti
specijalna emisija CNNa za 01.03.2010 (u potpisu: Bosnia and HerzeGOVNIA) more on: http://www.cnn.com/2010/WORLD/europe/03/01/bosnia.herzegovina/index.html?iref=allsearch
Radmanovic> Hapsenje Ganica je izvrsavanje pravde!
ne sjecam se kada me neka izjava toliko iznervirala. nit se slazem sa ideologijom familije Ganic, niti sa njihovim kriminalom, niti sa njegovom Fondacijom za obrazovanje koja je za sve godine postojanja iskolovala samo Eminu i Emira Ganica, itd...jedino s cim se slazem jeste da Tuzilastvo BiH treba da ispita sve okolnosti i procesuira sva odgovorna lica, ako je takvih bilo, za navodni zlocin pocinjen u Dobrovoljackoj ulici...
ali taj Ejup Ganic placa porez od kojeg cetnik Radmanovic prima masnu platu. I taj Ejup Ganic, je bio clan Predsjednistva ove zemlje. isto kao sto je i osudjena ratna zlocinka Biljana Plavsic bila predsjednica entiteta, koja je priznala zlocin koji je pocinila, pa su je docekali ko majku Terzu po pustanju iz zatvora.
u odbranu svoj partijskog kolege stao je i najruziji transvestit medju zenama, prokleta Majkicka, koja je kazala kako nema smisla da se kaucija bivsem clanu Predsjednistva placa od 'narodnih para'.
pa ako se vase plate mogu placati od mojih i Ganicevih para, a zalazete se za procesuiranje predmeta Dobrovoljacka ulica u Srbiji, onda i Ejup Ganic ima stopostotono pravo da mu kaucija bude placena nasim pisljivim parama...koje bi ionako u suprotnom zavrsile u necijem dzepu!
KAKO IKO MOZE VISE SLUSATI OVE PRICE? IMA LI IKO OVDJE I MALO ZDRAVOG RAZUMA DA STJERA SVE OVE IDIOTE U PICKU MATERINU????
Civil society needs to stand up to Bosnia’s new hate-speech demagogues.
by Ivana Howard 25 February 2010
As Bosnia lurches toward a train wreck of political confrontation prior to the October general elections, the blare of intolerance, misogyny, and hate speech heard in Sarajevo over the last few weeks has failed to stir the country’s slumbering civil society. Nongovernmental organizations seem to have shut their ears, even as hate speech reaches the highest decibel levels in recent years. In a country still deeply scarred from a conflict sparked by that very noise some 20 years ago, the silence of civil society is deafening.
To those who have followed civil society’s rebirth from the ashes of war, the beginning of 2008 offered some sense of hope. Brought together in sorrow over the death of a young boy murdered on a tram by his peers, and in outrage against the government that had failed to protect him, thousands of citizens took to the streets of Sarajevo to demand accountability. After 16 years, it was the first spontaneous display of mass activism since Serb bullets had cut down civil society’s budding post-communist spirit from the mountains overlooking the city. After a standoff, the politicians backed down. Several public officials resigned and others were ousted in local elections later that year. Civil society had acted and democracy won.
And then its defenders promptly went back to sleep.
But hibernating in Bosnia is no longer acceptable. Several weeks ago, media mogul and aspiring politician Fahrudin Radoncic, who owns Dnevni Avaz (Daily Voice), the largest daily in Bosnia’s Federation entity, made a series of remarks that echoed the chilling rhetoric of the early 1990s and deserved at least some moral, ethical, and even legal reaction. Radoncic declared that Duska Jurisic, who had been dismissed as chief news editor at the public broadcaster Federal Television (FTV), was not competent to hold the position because she was not a Bosniak or, essentially, not a Muslim. It apparently didn’t matter that Jurisic has more than 20 years of media experience, studied journalism in the United States, was trained by the BBC, and teaches journalism skills in Sarajevo. While no official reason was given for her dismissal, Jurisic is a strong critic of Radoncic’s shady business operations and political aspirations, and the FTV news show is one of the most popular in the country
Reactions to Dodik’s statement were virtually nonexistent among civil society organizations in Republika Srpska. This past month, counterparts in the Federation were no braver, even though Jurisic herself compared the attacks to those of Radovan Karadzic’s wartime propaganda broadcasts. Besides a handful of journalists with a nothing-left-to-lose attitude, led by the uniquely civic and multiethnic daily Oslobodjenje (Liberation), the few who objected to the Avaz attacks numbered one journalists’ association, an adviser to the city’s mayor, a couple of academics, and the outgoing head of one (!) human rights organization.
Those who reacted and dared to condemn the inappropriate statements were immediately subjected to an onslaught of even stronger discriminatory, insulting, and threatening columns in the paper, some of which, ironically, came from the director of a leading civil society organization and a well-known professor of philosophy and human rights. Fearing “Bosnia’s Berlusconi” or simply resigned to the predictable rise in ugly rhetoric prior to the October elections, the rest of civil society remained mostly mum. Some of the most prominent and prosperous NGOs in the country failed to condemn the words of hate, intolerance, and misogyny emanating from the pages of Radoncic’s publications. By doing so, civil society rendered itself complicit in the assault on the basic postulates of democracy and decency to which Bosnia and Herzegovina aspires. And it certainly raised questions about the strategies, resources, and efforts invested in its development.
Since bringing peace to Bosnia and Herzegovina 15 years ago, the international community has spent well over $15 billion on post-conflict state building and democratization efforts in the country. Seen as capable of articulating needs and acting independently of vested ethno-nationalist and political interests, civil society became central to those efforts and, in the first five postwar years alone, international and local civil society organizations were given a significant portion of the roughly $6 billion spent on various forms of assistance to local communities. Over the years, many have argued that the money was not well spent. At this moment, it is difficult to disagree.
What is responsible for civil society’s sleeping sickness in Bosnia and Herzegovina? Part of the problem is, not surprisingly, the legacy of communism. The memory of forced mobilization and mandatory participation has led citizens to shun organized or voluntary community activities, which are seen as an alien force. The lack of trust in organized groups also stems from the widespread view of NGOs as a business, and a lucrative one at that, rather than a genuine civic credo or calling. This belief stems from the postwar flood of civil society assistance and consequent mushrooming of NGOs. The result is a vicious circle: the low level of involvement in associations and NGOs robs Bosnian citizens of the opportunity to develop greater civic skills and spirit.
Postwar civil society in Bosnia and Herzegovina also exhibits a fatal design flaw. NGOs, the preferred form of civil society supported by the international community, have been actively encouraged by donors to pursue nonpolitical projects that would differentiate them from political entities vying for power by playing on ideological and ethnic differences. While this phenomenon is evident throughout Eastern Europe, it has taken particularly strong root in postwar Bosnia and Herzegovina, where stability and consensus are more prized than contentious but constructive debate on sensitive political issues. Due to the greater role of the international community, particularly the Europeans, as well as the damage wrought by the war, development was stressed over democracy. By embracing a nonpolitical modus operandi in a divided country where virtually every issue is political, Bosnian civil society organizations can rarely contribute to meaningful reform processes, thereby failing to establish their own relevance.
Finally, for far too long, civil society organizations in Bosnia have relied on someone else to do the difficult job of pushing for accountability, insisting on responsibility and protecting citizens from corruption, organized crime, or extreme nationalism. But the international community, embodied by numerous and strong institutions present to maintain peace and ensure the implementation of the peace accords, has dwindled over the years both in numbers and power. It is no longer possible to rely on international organizations to do the "dirty work" for Bosnia’s civil society. It is time for civil society, above all NGOs, to wake up and step up to its role, and an important election year, in which so much can go wrong, is the time to do it.
In a country in which words paved the way for bullets, civil society is more than just a Jersey barrier of democracy. In addition to acting as a brake against hate speech, extreme nationalism, and intolerance, it must drive efforts toward the reconciliation and democratic reforms necessary for European integration. At this crucial moment, the protectors of peace cannot afford to be asleep at the wheel.
SEE VISIONS 2010: EXPRESS EUROPE THROUGH YOUR EYES EXPRESS YOUR VIEWS, COME TO SARAJEVO AND WIN A PRIZE WHAT? In an effort to contribute to the reform process in South Eastern Europe, the TRANSFUSE Association and the College of Europe have jointly launched the Leadership Development Programme for young people from the region, as well as broader Europe who aspire to play an active role in the future of their countries (please see http://www.seeyoungleaders.org). A team of individuals, who are taking part in the 2009-2010 programme, from Albania, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Croatia, Moldova, and Serbia are launching the 2nd “Annual competition Express Europe through your Eyes 2010" for young individuals of South East Europe and Turkey. The topic of this year’s competition is: “European Culture and Values”. The main goal of the competition is to provide space for young people from the region to express their views on the EU through different art forms, but also to gain information and knowledge about the EU. HOW? The Contest is open to all mediums of art. Please submit the image or the link to your work on www.seevisions.hiza.ba or by e-mail: firstname.lastname@example.org You are allowed to submit an unlimited number of works. If your work contains any text, please provide an English translation. Once you have decided to apply, please fill in the application form for more details. Since the web site is going through some make over, currently the application form will be available only upon request, by emailing to email@example.com WHO CAN APPLY? Young individuals from South East Europe and Turkey can compete with their creative work. The contest is open to young people aged ages 18-30 from: Albania, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Bulgaria, Croatia, FYR Macedonia, Greece, Kosovo, Moldova, Montenegro, Romania, Serbia, Slovenia and Turkey. WHEN? The deadline for applying is 7.3.2010. Upon receiving the material the project team will carefully evaluate the work and make final decision. The shortlisted candidates will be asked to mail their works to Bosnia-Herzegovina in order to present them at the exhibition, shortly after the deadline. The works will be presented at the exhibition in Sarajevo, Bosnia-Herzegovina on 28th of March 2010, where we will announce three winners. The best work will receive an award of 300 Euros. The second place will receive 200 Euros, and the third place will receive 100 Euros. However everyone is a winner as all the creative materials will be exhibited exposed online or shown during the exhibition that will take place in “Novi Hram” Gallery in center of Sarajevo. Find us on FACEBOOK GROUPS with the name SEE VISIONS and join our enthusiasm in sharing our visions of European Culture and Values
gledam sad kako manekenka iz Bijeljine u emisiji Veliki Brat koji se emituje iz Beograda, govori da joj je favorit sarajevski mahalac Alden, i to iz jedinog razloga sto je on njen zemljak, a ona najvise voli svoju zemlju!!!! RESPECT!
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